The development of Lenin's thought

Justifying the revolution

The Marxist theory of monopoly capitalism poses the problem to Russian Marxists of rethinking the doctrine of Marxism within the context of Russia.

The Marxist theory advances that the proletarian revolution is preceded by a stage of capitalism. Since Russia in 1900 was not a fully industrialized country, and did not have an industrial bourgeoisie, according to this theory it was not ready for a revolution. Russia's population were peasants tied to the land. Peasants did not constitute a working class. Russia's class structure was not ready for revolution.

Lenin sought to justify the seizure of power by the Bolshevik Party; to do this he would have to argue that Russia could make a single step to communism. Marx had opened the way for a theoretical justification of this in a letter to Vera Zasulich observing that in Russia it was not impossible that a shortcut to communism was possible via peasant socialism. Yet he expressed reservations about the form of peasant communism.

But Lenin and other Russian Marxists argued that capitalism was already established in Russia. Lenin's first major work, The Development of Capitalism in Russia (1896-9) argued that in Russia peasant commercial capitalism had already developed.

Thus, there arose the question, what would happen if Tsardom was overthrown? The Mensheviks, whose leader was Martov, argued that the Marxist party would become a Social Democratic opposition party in a bourgeois-democratic republic. Lenin, on the other hand, advocated the revolutionary potential of the peasants and in 1905 he spoke of “the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry”. He maintained that an alliance between the proletariat and the peasants could overthrow the bourgeoisie. It would be possible to use the peasants' land-hunger as a vehicle to effect a socialist revolution. Zinoviev later defined this as the essential element of Leninism, and called “the union of the workers' revolution with the peasant war” Lenin's “greatest discovery”.

Lenin created the term “the telescoped revolution” arguing that in Russia's case the bourgeois and proletarian stages of revolution were compressed into one. Mensheviks warned that a premature seizure of power would have disastrous consequences.

Lenin hoped that the revolution in Russia would catalyse a revolution in Europe. Trotsky in Results & Prospects (1906) propounded the theory of 'permanent revolution'. But Lenin was also forced to account for why the Russian Revolution was not followed by an international revolution. He advanced the theory of the delayed revolution, that is, the international revolution would follow, only that Russia would have to consolidate its own Revolution first.

In the summer of 1917 he wrote State and Revolution which argues that the transition from capitalism to communism would require an intermediary stage called 'the dictatorship of the proletariat'. Eventually, this dictatorship would become unnecessary.

Attitude to democracy

Lenin was opposed to syndicalism — that is the transfer of control of industry to workers — the phrase “All power to the Soviets” does not mean “All power to the unions”! In What is to be Done? (1902) Lenin opposed the trade union movement and argued against Plekhanov. “The blind unfolding of the labour movement can lead only to the permeating of that movement with a bourgeois ideology, because the unconscious growth of the labour movement takes the form of trade unionism, and trade unionism signifies the mental enslavement of the workers to the bourgeoisie.” The confrontation with Plekhanov in 1903 was provoked by Lenin at the SD Party's second congress, and he also split with Martov, who was the co-editor of the Iskra.

Lenin's theory of “democratic centralism” maintains that the party has the right to direct the revolution from above; it does not require the support of a majority. The party is the vehicle of historical change. He wrote, “Classes are led by parties, and parties are led by individuals who are called leaders. This is the ABC. The will of a class is sometimes fulfilled by a dictator. Soviet socialist democracy is not in the least incompatible with individual rule and dictatorship. ... All phrases about equal rights are nonsense.” This is a view shared by Trotsky, who wrote, “The party in the last analysis is always right, because the party is the only historical instrument given to the proletariat to resolve its fundamental tasks.”

He used the idea of the end justifying the means — the greater good of the Revolution allowed all other ethical considerations to be abandoned. In his address to the Congress of Young Communists in 1920 he said, “We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the proletariat's class struggle. Morality is what serves to destroy the old exploiting society and to unite all the working people around the proletariat, which is building a new, communist society.”

Between the February and October Revolutions

In 1917 Lenin had one over-riding aim — that was the seizure of power. Lenin returned on 3rd April 1917. His speech on arrival declared that the February Revolution had created a “parliamentary-bourgeois republic”. The next day he issued his April Thesis in which he maintained that the February revolution was merely a coup d'etat, in which authority had not passed to the proletariat, and that power should pass to the soviets. He wrote, “What is needed is not a parliamentary republic — a return to that from the Soviet of Workers Deputies would be a step backwards — but a republic of Soviets throughout the country, growing from below upwards.”

He advanced various slogans, “Peace, Bread and Land”, “All Power to the Soviets”, and “Land to the Peasants”.

He sought to justify dissolving the Constituent Assembly. “To hand over power to the Constituent Assembly would again be compromising with the malignant bourgeoisie.” He regarded peace with Germany as essential. “The Russian Revolution must sign the peace to obtain a breathing space to recuperate for the struggle.”

The Three Phases of Economic Policy

Once power had been seized Lenin had the problem of directing the economy. Communism would seem to be most compatible with central planning and nationalization. However, would central planning and nationalization provide the incentives for the reconstruction of the economy? At first Lenin sought to compromise with capitalism in a form of state capitalism. However, the necessities of the civil war and in particular food shortages forced him to adopt war communism. This coincided with an increase in the use of terror. Eventually, war communism brought on a complete collapse of the economy; it was necessary to recognize the need for private enterprise again, and the New Economic Policy was introduced.

Phase 1: State Capitalism

Lenin had no ideas regarding the management of an economy until he returned to Russia in 1917. During the summer of 1917 he started to evolve his ideas. In his October 1917 pamphlet The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It he advocated (a) centralization and nationalization of banking and (b) nationalization of industry.

In State and Revolution he proposed complete bureaucratization of the economy, writing with fervour of the idea of organizing “the whole economy on the lines of a postal service”. In Can Bolsheviks Retain State Power? he continues to maintain that the State should take over the banking system and take control of industry: “[industry] must be subordinated to the proletarian Soviets; it must be expanded, made more comprehensive and nation-wide.” He also wrote, “Without big banks socialism would be impossible.”

However, he did think that it was not even necessary to confiscate the property of capitalists. What he advocated was “workers' control”. At this time economic policy was subordinated to the political objective of seizing power. Economic policy was improvised. Initially, nationalization was not the objective of the Supreme Council of National Economy — Vesenkha. During 1918 Lenin was in favour of state-capitalism.

Phase 2: War Communism

The food shortages needed redress. Lenin blamed the rich kulaks, and began to advocate the use of coercion to obtain grain supplies. On 27th January 1918 he spoke to the Petrograd Soviet saying, “We can't expect to get anywhere unless we resort to terrorism — speculators must be shot on the spot.” On 15th February 1918 he spoke of a “ruthless war against the kulaks”. Lenin was forced into war communism by the situation. On 24th May 1918 Lenin called for a “crusade for bread”. In the war against the kulaks surplus stores were seized and a system of compulsory food deliveries instituted, know as prodraverstka — “grain confiscation”. However, in fact 60% of grain continued to pass through illegal channels.

In his telegram to Bolshevik leaders in Penza on 11th August 1918 he instructed them as follows: “Hang no fewer than a hundred well-known kulaks, rich-bags and blood-suckers (and make sure that the hanging takes place in full view of the people).”

The banking system collapsed during the civil war; the government printed money and inflation became uncontrollable. Money lost its function and the economy resorted to barter. Lenin toyed with the idea of the complete abolition of money. At this time Lenin was still opposed to the return to private enterprise, but there was an complete breakdown of the economy. Lenin was still committed to the idea of war communism, and in this spirit he ordered the nationalization of small-scale industry.

Phase 3: The New Economic Policy

The NEP (New Economic Policy) was introduced in response to the growing unpopularity of war communism. Firstly, there were the increasing peasant rebellions, and secondly there was the Kronstadt uprising. In introducing the NEP Lenin made a sharp U-turn. He revised his theory in the light of circumstances.

Since the NEP would devolve economic power, he considered it necessary to reinforce his polical power. He coupled the introduction of the NEP with further centralization — he banned all non-Bolshevik parties, and in March 1921 at the 10th Party Congress he banned factions within the Party.

In March 1921 Lenin proposed a food tax (prodnalog) to replace food requisitioning (prodrazverstka). He argued that communists would have to learn to trade. He attempted to attract foreign capitalists with concessions, but by 1928 only 42 concessions had been granted, and these amounted only to 0.6% of industrial output.

There was debate as to whether the NEP was an advance or retreat. Lenin appears to have held both views at one time or another. He was critical of war communism, but did envisage an end to NEP, within the time frame of 25 years or so.

In defence of the NEP. “We were forced to resort to 'war communism' by war and ruin. It was a temporary measure. We are still in such a state of ruin that we cannot give the peasant manufactured goods for all we require. Hence, it is necessary to a certain extent to help to restore small industry. The effect will be the revival of the petty bourgeoisie and of capitalism.”

However, he argued that “the proletarian regime is in no danger as long as the proletariat firmly holds power in its hands.”

In the vote for the abolition of factions, On Party Unity Lenin wrote, “The Congress orders the immediate dissolution without exception, of all groups that have been formed on the basis of some platform or other ... no manifestations of factionalism of any sort will be tolerated.”

In Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade K. Kautsky he advocates dictatorship and the use of terror.